This article explores the 남자 밤 일자리 challenges that middle-aged women experience while attempting to establish a career, as well as the ways in which these challenges might impair a woman’s level of life satisfaction and lead to burnout at work. Interviews were conducted with highly educated married Korean women, and the question posed was why highly educated married Korean women continue to work despite the many challenges they face. When highly educated married women maintained their careers without taking time off for family, they often found themselves in a difficult position trying to balance their professional and family responsibilities. Women had a far higher proportion of part-time jobs than men did, despite the fact that the great majority of both sexes had full-time jobs in the labor market. It was found that Black women (27.6 percent) and Hispanic women (31.1 percent) were more likely to be employed in lower paid service jobs than Asian women (20.2 percent) and White women (19.5 percent). The percentage of labor force participation for bereaved women was 19.8 percent, while the rate for widowed males was 24.2 percent. Widowed people tend to be older. It was shown that women had a substantially higher likelihood of participating in the labor force than males did among college students, with 53.6 percent compared to 46.1 percent respectively. As compared to the rate of 93.5 percent for men with children under the age of 18, the labor force participation rate for women with children under the age of 18 was 72.4 percent in March of 2019. This was significantly lower than the rate for men with children under the age of 18. 2 percent of women aged 25 and older who were paid an hourly rate had wages that were at or below the minimum wage. This figure compares to roughly 6 percent of women aged 16 to 24 who were paid an hourly rate.

In spite of their high levels of education and the fact that many of them hold bachelor’s or master’s degrees, married Korean women frequently find themselves in a position where they must choose between their desire to work and the cultural expectation that they should remain at home with their families. It is possible for married women to have different career persistence incentives, levels of work burnout, and levels of life satisfaction than unmarried women due to the added obligations that come with balancing a professional job and a family life. Because of the necessity to find a balance between their professional and personal lives, married women are disproportionately likely to experience career setbacks. Finding acceptable office employment that give a feeling of professional satisfaction or other career perseverance motives might be one of the most challenging things for married women to do.

For the last several decades, the number of working women between the ages of 45 and 54 who were employed has decreased. In 2016, just 23 percent of women between the ages of 45 and 54 had jobs, which is a significant drop from the 37 percent who held jobs in the year 2000. Women who had full-time jobs worked less than 50 hours per week on average, with part-time employment making up the majority of those hours.

This is a considerable decrease from the full-time average for males, which is 40 hours per week. Because of this, a significant number of working women have been faced with the possibility of being displaced from their jobs as a consequence of automation and other technological improvements in the workplace. In several fields of labor, such as clerical support jobs and account vocations, where there is a great possibility for automation, women make up the majority of the workforce. In addition, a greater proportion of employed women work in occupational categories that pay more than those that pay better for males. These occupational categories include support service worker roles, regular cognitive tasks, and categories of basic vocations. Agriculture for subsistence and other low-paying vocations are two further examples of industries that are dominated by women workers.

These lower paid service industries pose a particular threat to middle-aged women who have had their careers interrupted at some point in their lives. Women of color and Spanish origin in the United States are disproportionately represented among those who fall into the category of working poor; among these persons, black and Hispanic women make up 19.5% and 31.1% of the respective populations. In contrast, white women make up 5.3 percent of the work force whereas Asian women make up 20.2 percent. Asian-white women account for 3.7 percent of those who live below the poverty line rate ratio (27.6 percent).

With just 19.8 percent of women participating in the labor market compared to 24.2 percent of males in the same age range, women aged 16 to 25 have the highest representation in the workforce. There are around 6% of the work force that is comprised of widowed women, whereas there is 53.60% of the labor force that is comprised of people aged 18 and older. There are 72.4 percent more women than males in the age range of 25 to 34 in the labor force, although there are 46.1 percent more men in same age range. College students make up a substantial section of the workforce that is paid at minimum wage or less, and they are paid on an hourly basis rather than a salary, in contrast to older individuals in their mid-30s and older who are given salaried salaries.

It is important to have a conversation about the career interruptions that middle-aged women suffer while trying to participate in vocational education and work experience. There is a discrepancy of 41.7 percentage points between the employment rates of men and women when they are both between the core working ages of 25 and 54. The employment rates of women are much lower than those of males. It was revealed that women held just 69.3% of the positions available in certain industrial technical vocations. This is 13.8 percentage points lower than the employment rate of males attending vocational school programs for the same jobs. Young males who had completed their academic requirements had an employment rate of 90.4%, but the employment rate for young women who were beginning their vocational education was just 48.7%. Rates were also found to differ throughout levels, with younger women having a higher likelihood of obtaining work (83.1%) compared to their senior counterparts, who had a lower percentage rate (68%).

Since work stability and growth prospects are often restricted for women, one of the primary factors that contributes to women’s career disruptions is job relocation. This may result in stress linked to one’s employment as well as a loss of confidence in one’s ability to succeed in the career, particularly for middle-aged women. In addition, women have access to a smaller pool of professional choices than men do, particularly in the realm of contract labor and other types of non-traditional employment. This makes it more challenging for women to enter professions that will result in improvements in their pay. As a result, this might make it more difficult for them to achieve financial parity with their male colleagues. When analyzing the effect that gender has on the decision to halt one’s job in middle age, it is important to take into account the role that other women play in the workforce. Women have historically been expected to take care of their families and home responsibilities, which frequently requires them to take a break from their careers or limit the number of hours they spend working. On the other hand, men continue to be the primary breadwinners in a majority of households. This indicates that men and women do not compete on an equal playing field when it comes to the prospects for job progression, which might further hinder the ability of middle-aged women to grow in their careers.

As compared to males, women have a greater work % and are more likely to maintain current job patterns since their careers are more likely to be interrupted. This might put women at a disadvantage when it comes to catching potential work gains, since most other vocations and industries tend to favor males in terms of promotion prospects. Therefore, this can put them at a disadvantage when it comes to collecting prospective job gains. Although if some companies have made strides to promote women to positions of authority, this does not always signify that the playing field has been leveled for middle-aged women who are facing interruptions in their careers. Even if women are able to keep the same percentage of net jobs or even grow it, they may still have the impression that their working conditions are unfair when compared to those of males. Although if the number of middle-aged women who are participating in vocational education and gaining work experience is growing, this does not always suggest that more women will be able to take advantage of opportunities for career advancement. It’s possible that women are less likely than males to take advantage of prospective employment advantages owing to the perception of discrimination or other hurdles that exist within certain jobs or industries.

The interruption of a woman’s career throughout middle age might put her at a disadvantage when it comes to participating in vocational education and gaining work experience. When it comes to their work, women are often micromanaged, whilst males may be more likely to be given a gradual introduction to their chosen fields. Women tend to take on professions with shorter durations and develop abilities that, although useful in the short term, are not as useful in the long run as those obtained by males. Even when it comes to the experience that women have had with certain types of agricultural employment, there has traditionally been a gender divide in this industry. Women eventually found a way to break into the traditionally male-dominated profession of office work during the early part of the 20th century as office employment expanded.